Impeachment: Bush, Zoellick Nomination Should Be Rejected By The World Bank

ROBERT ZOELLICK (BUSH NOMINATES FORMER ENRON CONSULTANT TO WORLD BANK POSITION!) THIS MAN IS NOT MY CUP OF TEA/COFFEE BY ANY MEANS. A REAL AGGRESSIVE CLIMBER WITH AN EGO; IT IS TIME FOR THE WORLD BANK BOARD TO SELECT A TALENT FROM OUTSIDE OF THE USA.


ONCE AGAIN, IT IS ALL ABOUT LOYALTY AND POLITICAL PREDISPOSITION, NOT TALENT AND CREATIVE VISION.

AT FIRST GLANCE Robert Zoellick, who George Bush is to nominate to be the next president of the World Bank, could not be more different than his predecessor Paul Wolfowitz. While both men have been at the heart of Republican-dominated Washington for many years, with careers stretching back into the term of the current President Bush's father, the two have widely differing personalities.

Wolfowitz, coming from an academic background, was the public face of the administration's aggressive determination to go to war with Iraq, disdainful of outside voices warning of the dangers. It was Wolfowitz who made what now seem comic predictions about the invasion paying for itself in Iraqi oil revenues and who overestimated the ease of the US occupation.

Zoellick, on the other hand, is a technocrat and a veteran of the rough and tumble of international diplomacy as well as the corridors of power in Washington. While Wolfowitz's career advanced under the aegis of the pugnacious Dick Cheney, Zoellick's progress followed that of James Baker, the consummate Republican insider.

Yet Washington is a remarkably small town and the two men do share some historical footnotes. Wolfowitz and Zoellick, along with Donald Rumsfeld, were two of the 18 signatories to a letter to the then President Bill Clinton in 1998 that called for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein - a letter which, in retrospect, suggested that senior members of the Bush administration were itching to attack Iraq. And both men also served in the informal group known as the "Vulcans" convened by Condoleezza Rice to advise George Bush on foreign policy before the 2000 presidential election.

At the time of the younger Bush's election Zoellick was serving as a fellow of the German Marshall Fund, a non-partisan international relations thinktank in Washington, but after Bush's election he sought the post of US trade representative, a cabinet level position which serves as government's leading envoy on trade negotiations.

The job as trade envoy sidelined him from the debate about US foreign policy, but as the author James Mann observed in his book Rise of the Vulcans: "Zoellick was one Vulcan who simply did not fit in with the new team or its interests." It was Zoellick who had steered Bush as a candidate away from the aim of "nation building" in US foreign policy - a position that put him at odds with the neo-conservative camp that included Wolfowitz after September 11.

Unlike the rest of the Vulcans, Zoellick had experience as a diplomat, having served in the US state department as an under-secretary from 1989 to 1992, during which time he played a key role in helping to guide the reunification of East and West Germany. As the representative of the US government he is said to have persuaded the elder President Bush to back reunification at a time when other US allies were ambiguous. A former state department official was quoted by the New York Times as saying that Zoellick "gets a lot of credit for the fact that the cold war ended with a whimper."

Colleagues describe Zoellick as a master of details, as well as being an impressive thinker, and he lobbied hard to get the role as US trade envoy. There he robustly defended US economic interests, calling for lower trade barriers and free markets in goods and services. Some of Zoellick's arguments in favour of free trade may come back to haunt him in his new position at the World Bank, offering ammunition to those who see the bank as a tool of US economic policy.

Shortly after 9/11 he gave a speech in favour of open markets that linked free trade and fighting terrorism: "Let me be clear where I stand. Erecting new barriers and closing old borders will not help the impoverished ... It will not aid the committed Indonesians I visited who are trying to build a functioning, tolerant democracy in the largest Muslim nation in the world. And it certainly will not placate terrorists."

Later, after the collapse of World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks during a meeting in Cancun, Zoellick wrote an article that lambasted the US's opponents: "The key division at Cancun was between the can-do and the won't-do. For over two years, the US has pushed to open markets globally, in our hemisphere, and with sub-regions or individual countries. As WTO members ponder the future, the US will not wait: we will move towards free trade with can-do countries."

Others, though, recall Zoellick as a tough negotiator who would win arguments "through the power of his intellect, not the raw political power of the US".

The 53-year-old will need all his negotiating ability and off-beat sense of humour in his new job. But his previous experience at the US Treasury and five-year stint as vice-president of Fannie Mae, the giant government sponsored mortgage financier, will also help, as will his last position in government, as deputy secretary of state under Condoleezza Rice. Zoellick remained in that post for little over a year, and seemed at odds with the Bush administration over its pro-democracy agenda, running what some called "a mini state department". He left in July last year for the highly paid embrace of the investment bank Goldman Sachs.

At the bank - assuming his nomination is accepted, which is highly likely - Zoellick will find a battered institution without a clear sense of direction. Sections of the bank, such as its international financing corporation arm that lends to the private sector, have outlived their usefulness. Kenneth Rogoff, a former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, says the bank needs to do two things: move away from making loans towards giving grants to developing countries, and reverse the "mission creep" that has overextended the bank beyond its resources.

To many, however, the most important reform the bank needs is to change the method of appointing its president. Since its creation in 1944 the US has insisted on appointing the bank's president, and left the choice of head of the IMF to Europe. After the Wolfowitz debacle many of the World Bank's member governments feel that Zoellick should be the last American to be named to the post by right rather than by ability. If Zoellick can convince critics that he deserves the job in any case then he will have achieved some success. To do so he will need to curb what some former colleagues describe as a combative management style.

At the top of Zoellick's in-tray, however, will be the tricky issue of dealing with Shaha Riza, the companion whose pay rises and promotions led to Wolfowitz's downfall as president. Under the terms of her secondment Riza can return to working at the bank upon Wolfowitz's departure, although that seems hard to envisage after the controversy. The good news is that Zoellick's wife, Sherry, does not work at the World Bank.

GOOGLE SEARCH (ZOELLICK) 1,111 ARTICLES

Robert Bruce Zoellick (IPA: (born July 25, 1953) was a United States Deputy Secretary of State, resigning on July 7, 2006. Before holding this position, he served as U.S. Trade Representative, from February 7, 2001 until February 22, 2005.
He announced his resignation on June 19, 2006 to join the investment bank Goldman Sachs as a managing director and chairman of the company's International Advisors department.[1]

President George W. Bush nominated Zoellick on May 29, 2007 to replace Paul Wolfowitz as President of the World Bank.[2] The nomination is subject to approval by the Bank's Board of Directors.

CONTENTS

1 Background
2 Career
2.1 Government service (1985–1992)
2.2 Business and academia (1993–2001)
2.3 U.S. Trade Representative (2001–2005)
2.4 Deputy Secretary of State (2005–2006)
3 Other Activities
4 Views
5 References
6 External links

BACKGROUND

Zoellick was raised in Naperville, Illinois.[3] He graduated in 1971 from Naperville Central High School. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 1975 from Swarthmore College and received his J.D. magna cum laude from Harvard Law School and a Master of Public Policy degree from Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government in 1981.[4][5] In 2002, Zoellick was awarded an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters from Saint Joseph's College in Rensselaer, Indiana.

CAREER

Government service (1985–1992)

Zoellick served in various positions at the Department of the Treasury from 1985 to 1988. He held positions including Counselor to Secretary James Baker, Executive Secretary of the Department, and Deputy Assistant Secretary for Financial Institutions Policy.

During George H. W. Bush's presidency, Zoellick served with Baker, by then Secretary of State, as Under Secretary of State for Economic and Agricultural Affairs, as well as Counselor to the Department (Under Secretary rank). In August 1992, Zoellick was appointed White House Deputy Chief of Staff and Assistant to the President.[6] Zoellick was also appointed Bush's personal representative for the G7 Economic Summits in 1991 and 1992.

Business and academia (1993–2001)

After leaving government service, Zoellick was appointed an Executive Vice President at the Federal National Mortgage Association (1993–1997).[1][2] Zoellick served as the John M. Olin Professor of National Security at the U.S. Naval Academy (1997–1998), Research Scholar at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at the Kennedy School of Government, and Senior International Advisor to Goldman Sachs.[7][8]

Zoellick signed the 26 January 1998 letter [9] to Bill Clinton from PNAC which advocated war against Iraq.

During the 2000 U.S. presidential election campaign, Zoellick served as a foreign policy advisor to George W. Bush as part of a group, led by Condoleezza Rice, that called itself The Vulcans.

U.S. Trade Representative (2001–2005)

Zoellick was named U.S. Trade Representative at the beginning of the younger Bush's first term; he was a member of the Executive Office, with the rank of Ambassador. According to the U.S. Trade Representative website, Zoellick completed negotiations to bring China and Taiwan into the World Trade Organization (WTO); developed a strategy to launch new global trade negotiations at the WTO meeting in Doha, Qatar; shepherded Congressional action on the Jordan Free Trade Agreement and the Vietnam Trade Agreement; and worked with Congress to pass the Trade Act of 2002, which included new Trade Promotion Authority.[10] He also heavily promoted the Central American Free Trade Agreement over the objections of labor, environmental, and human rights groups.[11]

Zoellick played a key role in the United States WTO dispute against the EU over GM foods. The move sought to force GM crops and GM food on the EU, which would not otherwise accept them, or be slow to do so. [12].

Deputy Secretary of State (2005–2006)


Zoellick (right) with Jan Pronk, the United Nations' special representative to Sudan.

On January 7, 2005, Bush nominated Zoellick to be Deputy Secretary of State.[13] Zoellick assumed the office on February 22, 2005. The New York Times reported on May 25, 2006 that Zoellick could soon announce his departure. Zoellick agreed to serve as Deputy Secretary of State for not less than one year. He was seen as a major architect of the Bush administration's policies regarding China, and also the approach to a Darfur peace plan.[14]

During a trip to a Darfur refugee camp in 2005, Zoellick wore a bracelet with the motto, "Not on our watch." Zoellick was seen by many as the administration's strongest voice on Darfur. His resignation catalyzed groups, such as the Genocide Intervention Network, to praise his record on human rights issues.[15]

Other Activities *(Enron Tie)

Zoellick also serves or has served as a board member for a number of private and public organizations: Alliance Capital, Said Holdings, and the Precursor Group; and as a member of the advisory boards of *ENRON [16] and Viventures, a venture fund; and a director of the Aspen Institute's Strategy Group.

He has also served on the German Marshall Fund and the World Wildlife Fund Advisory Council, and was a member of Secretary William Cohen's Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee.e is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission. He also attended the annual invitation-only conference of Bilderberg Group.

VIEWS

Tom Barry, the policy director of the International Relations Center, has written that Zoellick "regards free trade philosophy and free trade agreements as instruments of U.S. national interests. When the principles of free trade affect U.S. short-term interests or even the interests of political constituencies, Zoellick is more a mercantilist and unilateralist than free trader or multilateralist."[17]

Gavan McCormack has written that Zoellick used his perch as U.S. trade representative to advocate for Wall Street's policy goals abroad, as during a 2004 intervention in a key privatization issue in Japanese Prime Minister's Junichiro Koizumi's re-election campaign. Writes McCormack, "The office of the U.S. Trade Representative has played an active part in drafting the Japan Post privatization law. An October 2004 letter from Robert Zoellick to Japan’s Finance Minister Takenaka Heizo, tabled in the Diet on August 2, 2005, included a handwritten note from Zoellick commending Takenaka. Challenged to explain this apparent U.S. government intervention in a domestic matter, Koizumi merely expressed his satisfaction that Takenaka had been befriended by such an important figure… It is hard to overestimate the scale of the opportunity offered to U.S. and global finance capital by the privatization of the Postal Savings System."[18]

In a January 2000 Foreign Affairs essay entitled "Campaign 2000: A Republican Foreign Policy," he was one of the first of those now associated with Bush's foreign policy to invoke the notion of "evil," writing: "[T]here is still evil in the world — people who hate America and the ideas for which it stands. Today, we face enemies who are hard at work to develop nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, along with the missiles to deliver them. The United States must remain vigilant and have the strength to defeat its enemies. People driven by enmity or by a need to dominate will not respond to reason or goodwill. They will manipulate civilized rules for uncivilized ends." The same essay praises the "idealism" of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. Two years earlier, Zoellick was one of the signatories (who also included Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Elliott Abrams, Zalmay Khalilzad, John R. Bolton, Richard Armitage, and Bill Kristol) of a January 26, 1998 letter to President Bill Clinton drafted by the Project for the New American Century calling for "removing Saddam [Hussein]'s regime from power."[19]

Since taking the position of Deputy Secretary of State, Zoellick has visited Sudan four times. He supported expanding a United Nations force in the Darfur region to replace African Union soldiers. He was involved in negotiating a peace accord between the government of Sudan and the Sudan Liberation Army, signed in Abuja, Nigeria in May 2006.

REFERENCES

Reuters (2006). Goldman says Zoellick to be vice chairman, intl. Retrieved June 20, 2006.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/6701865.stm
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/6702943.stm
http://www.results.gov/leadership/bio_474.html
http://www.ustr.gov/about-ustr/ambassador/zoellick.html
http://www.results.gov/leadership/bio_474.html
http://www.ustr.gov/about-ustr/ambassador/zoellick.html
http://www.ustdrc.gov/members/zoellick.html
http://www.newamericancentury.org/iraqclintonletter.htm
http://www.ustr.gov/Who_We_Are/Bios/Biography_of_Ambassador_Robert_B._Zoellick.html
http://canadiandimension.com/articles/2006/11/07/719/
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0EUY/is_9_9/ai_98655475
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2005/01/20050107-6.html
Times Online (2006). Zoellick quits State Department for Goldman. Retrieved June 20, 2006.
http://www.genocideintervention.net/about/press/releases/2006/06/19/deputy-secretary-of-state-leader-on-darfur-resigns-post/
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1758345.stm
http://www.counterpunch.org/barry01142005.html
http://www.newleftreview.org/NLR26901.shtml
http://www.newamericancentury.org/iraqclintonletter.htm

EXTERNAL LINKS

State Department biography
Zoellick in Zmag
"China and America: Power and Responsibility" - An address by Zoellick to the Asia Society Annual Dinner in New York, on February 25, 2004

Robert Zoellick's list of federal campaign contributions

RIGHT WEB ONLINE PROFILE

Sixteen months after taking his post, Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick announced in mid-June 2006 that he was resigning to become vice chairman of international operations at the investment firm Goldman Sachs, where he will also be chairman of the bank's international advisers. Having previously served as U.S. trade representative during George W. Bush's first term, Zoellick's 2005 appointment to serve as Condoleezza Rice's chief deputy was viewed by many as a sign that the administration would be taking a softer line in foreign policy during Bush's second term. As the right-wing Washington Times reported (June 20, 2006): “Mr. Zoellick's selection by Miss Rice in early 2005 was seen as a victory for foreign-policy ‘realists' in the administration against the hardline diplomacy favored by Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, who were said to back State Department arms chief John R. Bolton“ for the post.

According to observers, Zoellick's decision to leave the administration was driven in part by frustration at being overlooked for higher-level Cabinet posts, in particular the opening as treasury secretary, which was filled by outgoing Goldman Sachs executive Henry Paulson. Weeks before Zoellick made his resignation official, there was speculation that “Zoellick had at times felt marginalized at the State Department, where his subordinates, including R. Nicholas Burns, an under secretary of state, manage most of the major issues, including matters related to Iran, Iraq, the rest of the Middle East, and North Korea” ( Washington Post , May 25, 2006).

On the other hand, Zoellick has played leading roles in a number of high-profile decisions taken by the administration, including the effort to mediate the crisis in Sudan, where according to the Post he “was instrumental in pushing Darfur's rebel leaders to sign a peace accord.” He is also credited with playing a constructive role in establishing a strategic dialogue with Beijing, which was highlighted in the press in January 2006 when Zoellick, then visiting the city of Chengdu, was photographed hugging a baby panda.

Commenting on the incident, John Tkacik, a research fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation, wrote that the “images of Zoellick clad in a sterile veterinary smock and gloves, cuddling a distinctly uncomfortable baby panda, could have been seen as evidence the Bush administration had gone a bit soft in the noggin on China. Indeed, the initial reaction among Washington China-skeptics was horror. We have since been reassured that Zoellick indeed has a special fondness for pandas derived from his service on a World Wildlife Fund advisory council, and that Mrs. Zoellick did indeed want such a photo. Zoellick also believed that his appearance with the panda would reassure the Chinese that he is still open to a ‘global dialogue'—provided the Chinese start to act like they're interested” (“Revenge of the Panda,” Heritage Foundation, February 26, 2006).

Ever since his appointment as the chief U.S. trade representative during Bush's first term, observers have speculated on the significance of Zoellick's role in the administration. His record as a supporter of neoconservative outfits like the Project for the New American Century prompted speculation that Zoellick would support hardliners in the Pentagon and the vice president's office. However, Zoellick has also been viewed as a non-ideological member of the Republican Party foreign policy elite. Like his erstwhile boss Rice, Zoellick seems intent on cautiously preserving U.S. supremacy, not projecting it unnecessarily.

Zoellick offered a succinct account of his views in an op-ed for the Washington Post shortly after the 9/11 attacks: “The terrorists deliberately chose the World Trade towers as their target. While their blow toppled the towers, it cannot and will not shake the foundation of world trade and freedom. Our response has to counter fear and panic, and counter it with free trade” (September 20, 2001).

In a 2003 speech at the Institute for International Economics, Zoellick similarly prioritized trade in his vision of U.S. foreign policy interests, arguing: “The United States seeks cooperation—or better—on foreign policy and security. Given that the United States has international interests beyond trade, why not try to urge people to support our overall policies? Negotiating a free trade agreement with the United States is not something one has a right to do—it's a privilege.”

It was with a sigh of relief that many observers greeted Rice's decision in early 2005 to choose Zoellick over John Bolton as her number two at State. As commentator Jim Lobe reported: “Next to outgoing Secretary of State Colin Powell, Zoellick—a protegé of former Secretary of State James Baker—is the most internationalist-minded of Bush's Cabinet officials” (Tompaine.com, January 7, 2005).

Zoellick has a long track record in the economic policy and diplomatic affairs of Republican administrations since the late 1980s. During the second Reagan administration, Zoellick, a Harvard-educated lawyer, served as a special assistant at the Treasury Department. During the George H.W. Bush administration, Zoellick became a key figure in shaping post-Cold War economic policy as a senior officer in both the Treasury and State departments and as a personal adviser to the elder Bush.

In a January 2000 Foreign Affairs article, “Campaign 2000: A Republican Foreign Policy,” Zoellick demonstrated a firm grasp of the radical new foreign policy directions that would come with a Bush Jr. administration. He faulted the Clinton administration for focusing too narrowly on economic policy and for promoting social and environmental causes within free trade organizations, as Bill Clinton did at the outset of the World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial in Seattle. Zoellick spelled out a new foreign policy that would be based on the preeminence of military power—a concept of a new American century in which unquestioned U.S. military superiority would allow the United States to shape the international order.

Zoellick also used the article to spell out his vision of “evil” threats confronting the United States: “A modern Republican foreign policy recognizes that there is still evil in the world—people who hate America and the ideas for which it stands. Today, we face enemies who are hard at work to develop nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, along with the missiles to deliver them. The United States must remain vigilant and have the strength to defeat its enemies. People driven by enmity or by a need to dominate will not respond to reason or goodwill. They will manipulate civilized rules for uncivilized ends.”

Although regarded as a pragmatic promoter of U.S. economic interests, Zoellick has an idealist streak that aligns him with the neoconservatives. In his Foreign Affairs article, Zoellick points to the need for a foreign policy that recognizes that the “appeal of the country's ideas are unparalleled,” and points favorably to the idealism of presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson in promoting their visions of an international order.

While Zoellick failed to seal a Free Trade of Americas Agreement during his tenure as U.S. trade representative, he won respect among the corporate community for his role in gaining bipartisan support for George W. Bush's request for “trade promotion authority,” also known as fast-track authority because it reduces the role of congressional and public review of new free trade pacts.

When it comes to global economic policy, Zoellick is not a free trade ideologue or a committed advocate of the WTO. Instead, he regards free trade philosophy and free trade agreements as instruments of U.S. national interests. When the principles of free trade affect U.S. short-term interests or even the interests of political constituencies, Zoellick is more a mercantilist and unilateralist than free trader or multilateralist. This tendency was revealed during a 2002 speech Zoellick made at a German Marshall Fund meeting in Berlin: “I know Germans and Americans share values and experiences. Yet the question we must address now is whether we have shared interests as well. Many recent Euro-Atlantic squabbles ... reflect America's reassessment of its national interests in a changed world and Europe's conservatism in adjusting. Will there be a basis for a trans-Atlantic unity absent the intense cohesion of shared dangers?” (Montreal Gazette, August 10, 2002).

Zoellick coined the phrase “the coalition of the liberalizers” prior to the failed WTO ministerial in September 2003 in referring to the group of countries that have joined the United States in bilateral or regional trade pacts. In the face of mounting opposition from Brazil and other developing nations to the U.S. global economy agenda, trade rep Zoellick began forging a “coalition” of trade partners to agree to open their markets and protect U.S. investment in order to ensure coveted access to the huge U.S. market (“Coalition Forces Advance,” IRC Americas Program Policy Brief, July 24, 2004).

In early 2003, Zoellick outlined a free trade strategy that anticipated rising opposition to Washington's liberalization agenda. Instead of committing itself to making the compromises necessary to completing another negotiating round in the WTO, the Bush administration announced that it would pursue its agenda through free trade agreements (FTAs) with single nations or subregional groupings. “Our FTA partners are the vanguard of a new global coalition of open markets,” declared Zoellick.

At the beginning of the Bush administration, the United States had FTAs with only a few nations, including Canada, Israel, and Mexico. However, once Congress in 2002 gave the executive branch Trade Promotion Authority (the go-ahead to pursue fast-track trade negotiations) the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative launched free trade initiatives around the world outside of the WTO. Zoellick took the lead in negotiating the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) in May 2004. That same month, he announced the start of bilateral trade negotiations with Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru (and possibly Bolivia) as part of the planned U.S.-Andean Trade Agreement, as well as the beginning of free trade negotiations with Panama (see “Coalition Forces Advance,” IRC).

Zoellick termed his free trade strategy one of “competitive liberalization.” By establishing numerous bilateral and regional agreements outside the WTO, the United States hoped to undermine opposition to its aggressive liberalizing agenda and to weaken developing country demands for U.S. market access, subsidy reduction, and special treatment in the WTO. In a July 10, 2003 op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, the trade czar articulated the U.S. global trade and investment strategy. Zoellick explained that under WTO consensus procedures, “one nation can block progress” in extending economic liberalization to new areas. Explaining that Washington can pursue its liberalization agenda outside the WTO, Zoellick warned: “It would be a grave mistake to permit any one country to veto America's drive for global free trade.”

Although other nations remain committed to a multilateral forum and universal trade rules, Zoellick signaled that Washington was willing to proceed unilaterally. He predicted, “The WTO's influence will wane if it comes to embody a new ‘dependency theory' of trade, blaming developed countries …” Seeing the recalcitrance of many developing countries to approve new trade and investment rules, the Bush administration adopted a “my way or the highway” approach to global economy issues. This unilateral posture with respect to trade and investment rules mirrors its unilateralism in foreign and military policy.

When free trade talks broke down in Cancun in September 2003, Zoellick said that the “won't do” countries had won the day over the “can do” countries. Referring to the developing country coalitions that had come together to block the agenda of Washington and the EU, Zoellick issued a veiled threat to the multilateral process: “We're going to keep opening markets one way or another,” he said.

The Bush administration's decision to raise agricultural subsidies by $80 billion in the 2002 farm bill underscored the charges that the United States is a free trade hypocrite. But protectionism and subsidies have political payoffs. When Zoellick returned from the failed Cancun talks, he was praised by leaders of the American Farm Bureau Federation for not budging on the issue of farm subsidies. This hypocrisy galls many developing countries, who see their competitively priced exports blocked by U.S. protectionism while at the same time heavily subsidized U.S. exports flow into their own domestic markets.

The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative relentlessly pressured other nations, particularly poorer ones, to liberalize their economies. For the Bush administration, however, free trade serves more as a battering ram to knock down national barriers to U.S. trade and investment than as a universal principle.

In a June 2001 speech to the right-wing Heritage Foundation in Washington, Zoellick made the case that there is no alternative to globalization and that U.S. companies and consumers were already benefiting in countless ways from this new wave of corporate-led economic integration. To drive his point home, Zoellick noted: “Even the funeral business has gone global, with a Houston-based company now selling funeral plots in 20 countries.” –Affiliations

U.S. Naval Academy: John M. Olin Professor

Eurasia Foundation: Trustee (1997-2001)

German Marshall Fund: Former Board Member

Aspen Institute Strategy Group: Former Director

World Wildlife Fund: Former Member, Advisory Council

Project for the New American Century: Signatory to letters pushing for the removal of Saddam Hussein

GOVERNMENT SERVICE

U.S. Department of State: Deputy Secretary of State (February 2005-June 2006); Under Secretary for Economic and Agricultural Affairs; Counselor (1989-1991)

Office of the President: U.S. Trade Representative (2001-2005)

U.S. Trade Deficit Review Commission: (1999-2000)

U.S. Department of the Treasury: Counselor to the Secretary and Executive Secretary;

Executive Secretary and Special Adviser to the Secretary; Deputy Assistant Secretary for Financial Institutions Policy; Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary; Special Assistant to the Deputy Secretary (1985-1987)

U.S. Court of Appeals for District of Columbia Circuit: Law Clerk (1982-1983)

U.S. Department of Justice: Staff Assistant in Criminal Division (1978)

Council on Wage and Price Stability: Research Assistant (1975-1976)
PRIVATE SECTOR
Goldman Sachs:Vice Chairman of International Divisions and Chairman of International Advisers (as of July 2006); formerly Senior International Adviser

*Enron: Former Consultant

*Fannie Mae Foundation: Executive Vice President (1993-2000); Vice President and Assistant to the Chair and Chief Executive Officer (1984-1985)

EDUCATION
Swarthmore College: B.A.

Harvard University: M.P.P; J.D.


SOURCES
Letters and Statements, Project for the New American Century, www.newamericancentury.org/lettersstatements.htm.

Condoleezza Rice, “Remarks with Deputy Secretary of State Robert B. Zoellick,” U.S. State Department, June 19, 2006, http://http/www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2006/68032.htm.

White House, “United States Trade Representative, Ambassador Robert B. Zoellick,” February 7, 2001, http://http/www.whitehouse.gov/government/zoellick-bio.html.

Robert Zoellick, “A Time to Choose: Trade and the American Nation,” speech to Heritage Foundation, June 29, 2001, www.ustr.gov/assets/Document_Library/USTR_Speeches/2001/asset_upload_file901_4279.pdf.

See also: “Coalition Forces Advance,” by Tom Barry, IRC Program, July 24, 2004, americas.irc-online.org/am/862.